SoyViking [he/him]

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Joined 6 years ago
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Cake day: November 4th, 2020

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  • You don’t need a garlic press. They are a pain to clean.

    Instead, place the garlic clove on your cutting board, place the flat side of the blade of a knife on top of it and give it a good whack with your hand. Scrape your knife a few times over the crushed garlic to turn it into mush. If you sprinkle some coarse salt over the crushed garlic before scraping, the grains of salt will act as an abrasive and help break down the garlic.








  • Denmark finally has a new regime after a record 70 days of post-election negotiations. In the end centrist kingmaker Lars Løkke Rasmussen and his moderate party had to accept an across the aisle broad coalition with the Social Democrats, the Radical Left (moderate right-of centre) and the Socialist People’s Party (social democracy with more windmills and less chuds) supported by the demsoc Red-Greens and the green radlib Alternative.

    The government platform has been released. It has good and bad parts.

    The good parts:

    • Free transit for people under 22
    • Free dental care for at-risk adults with a promise to expand free dental care to cover all adults within 10 years
    • Half sales tax on food and no sales tax on fruit and vegetables
    • Better funding for schools
    • Actually enforcing existing animal welfare laws against factory pig farms
    • Making it easier to build public housing in Copenhagen, including direct rent subsidies
    • A more respectful treatment of Greenland and the Faroe Islands
    • Looking into possibly maybe in the future tax profits from selling homes
    • Increased inheritance tax for the rich
    • Bringing back the Great Prayer Day Holiday by 2030, just in time for the next eclection, but only if the labour supply had increased enough to cover the
    • Maybe possibly looking into considering the possibility of giving low and middle income households subsidies for replacing ICE vehicles with EV’s
    • Various initiative against homophobia and transphobia, including better investigation (ie. doing any investigation at all) of hate crimes.
    • A food security strategy to increase the domestic supply of fruit and vegetables

    The bad stuff

    • Lower corporate taxes
    • Lower income taxes on the rich
    • Spending 5 percent of GDP on three military, more than during the height of the Cold War
    • Saving 30.000 public sector jobs through AI horseshit
    • Giving people the “option” of a “digital health check”, leveraging “the works best health data”. I smell so much bullshit here.
    • A “deportation reform” to deport more “criminal foreigners”
    • Initiatives to fight “religious dominance” and “social control” in educational settings, ie. islamophobic witch hunts
    • “Challenging” international human rights conventions (better than leaving them altogether but still really atrocious)
    • Putting “criminal foreigners” in jail in Kosovo
    • “Smart border controls” which sounds really ominous
    • Full-throttled Slava Ukraini bullshit
    • Putting representatives of “local businesses” on school boards
    • The police didn’t want to do their job and closed a ton of cases while lying about having investigated. This became a major scandal recently and their laziness will now be rewarded with more money

    There are lots of good things in here, at least a lot better than what we’ve had before. I am convinced they will do all the bad stuff and then some but I have no confidence that they’re going to even try doing half of the good stuff.

    The new regime has a lot of internal disagreements and I expect everyone will be ratfucking everyone to their left as soon as they get into office. That’s how it went 15 years ago when the Socialist People’s Party was in government last time. I would not be surprised if this constellation doesn’t survive a full term.

    The worst people in the country are mad about the brew regime so at least that’s something.












  • Deadbeat Cops: Danish Police Lied To 13,000 Victims To Cover Up Culture Of Laziness

    Denmark’s National Audit Office has issued scathing criticism of the Nordic hermit kingdom’s police force, as a new report has exposed a systemic culture of laziness and the deliberate closing of criminal cases without investigation — a practice known internally as “washing” cases.

    The scandal, described by parliamentary state auditors as the biggest in many years, reveals that Danish police closed approximately 13,000 cases involving violent and economic crimes between 2019 and mid-2025 without lifting a finger to investigate them. Then they lied to victims, sending them letters claiming that investigation had been carried out before the cases were shelved.

    Read more...

    The term “washing” describes the institutionalized practice of closing cases without performing basic investigative steps, often to meet quotas or reduce backlogs. Methods include ignoring CCTV footage, failing to interview witnesses, or deliberately not charging suspects so cases can ble closed faster. Many times the “washing” happens following instructions from police leadership.

    Former police officer Marc Johansson, who served in the Danish internal security forces for ten years, told local tabloid B.T. that the practice was commonplace from his first days in the force: “If there wasn’t much to do, investigators could smile and say: ‘I’ll just sit down and wash some cases.’” He added that it was “completely normal” and that he finds it difficult to imagine anyone high up in the system was unaware of the culture.

    The National Audit Office’s investigation, which reviewed over 37 million data fields in police IT systems, processed 10,000 guidelines, and surveyed over 4,000 officers, found that 7% of officers admitted to omitting obvious investigative steps in violent crime cases to make closure easier, with 61% saying they did so because leadership wanted investigations deprioritized or omitted in certain cases.

    For economic crimes, 18% of officers admitted to similar practices. 13% of police employees who work with economic crime have said they have refrained from opening cases. Many say this happens monthly. Across all police districts, police employees closed several hundred cases in which the loss per case exceeded DKK 500,000, even though cases of that magnitude must be considered serious crime and therefore must always be decided by the prosecution. The report also showed that the police drops almost all economic crime cases with international links, assuming foreign authorities will not assist.

    The National Audit Office found that between 40 and 60 percent of closed cases showed significant flaws in how they were handled.

    Among the most disturbing findings are 1,692removed cases from 2019 to mid-2025 that were illegally downgraded from “sharp cases” (which require full procedural steps) to less formal “investigation cases” (with fewer requirements and faster closure timelines) despite national guidelines stating this should only happen in exceptional circumstances.

    The report also revealed stark geographic disparities. While 12% ofremoved cases nationally were downgraded in this way, in the island province of Funen, the figure reached 25%. State Auditor Monika Rubin made headlines with a controversial but telling statement: “I would rather beremovedd in Copenhagen than on Funen,” highlighting the drastic variation in case handling quality depending on where a crime is reported.

    The 13,000 figure itself appears to be a politically convenient underestimate. The National Audit Office investigation only covered violent and economic crimes, and only examined cases that had been wrongly categorized as less formal “investigation cases” rather than the even lower-grade classification of “incidents” — a problem outside the scope of the report. The report also also did not investigate instances where officers has simply failed to create any formal paperwork for reported crime.

    The National Audit Office also found that police opened cases under milder offences with lower penalties and fewer procedural requirements, particularly for stalking, nightlife violence, andremoved, effectively hiding the true scale of serious crime from the public and the international community.

    The National Police initially claimed they had “never heard of the term ‘washing’ cases,” only for the audit to confirm the practice exists. The embattled National Police Commissioner Thorkild Fogde who previously faced calls to resign over the 2020 mink cull scandal has admitted that the report is “not pleasant to read” but he has also defended the practice, blaming backlogged courts and overcrowded prisons as reasons police drop cases.

    Fogde has been running the the National Police since 2014. That is more than a decade at the helm. During that time, these problems were not new. Previous audits flagged similar issues. He is now facing calls to resign.

    The courts are indeed choked, but the bottleneck is largely of the regime’s own making. For decades, Copenhagen’s political elite has pursued an escalating “tough on crime” agenda, ratcheting up penalties and thereby procedural demands. Cases once settled with out-of-court fines now require full trials as prosecutors chase jail time. Offences once heard by a single judge now demand jury trials because sentences have grown longer.

    Although the Police Union and many reactionary commentators has been quick to blame an increased number of tasks for the police and insufficient funding, this is simply not true. The scandal cannot be attributed to underfunded or overworked cops. Unlike many other parts of the Danish state, the regime has been eager to give the police substantial budget increases over the years and the number of tasks given to the police has decreased, not increased.

    On LinkedIn, former officer turned whistleblower Steen Tømming points to a more plausible explanation. He described a culture of endemic laziness and indifference during his 11 years of service, stating that colleagues “routinely chose not to investigate all sorts of crime because it was simply easier not to do it.” He wrote: “Robberies, burglaries, assault, theft, everything. It was shocking and felt personally undignified.” He estimated police effectiveness at merely 10%.

    Tømming described how patrol officers would deliberately look away when spotting stolen bicycles, how burglaries resulted only in reports but no evidence collection, how illegally modified vehicles were ignored, and how drug dealing operations were left untouched. “Attitudes were not formed by leadership or training but by the laziest people in the guard room,” he wrote. “This is the real problem, the absence of leadership around attitudes.”

    The result is arbitrary administration of justice. When cases are not investigated seriously, justice depends on who the victim is. As a result the protection of victims becomes highly politicised. For instance, while hate crimes are generally deprioritized, the Jewish community received special treatment following political decisions to show support for Zionism by increasing their protection following the zionist genocide in Gaza, including a dedicated hotline to contact police directly, with all cases investigated seriously. Meanwhile, LGBTQ persons, Muslims, and Black people continue to lack effective protection against hate crimes.

    It is also well known to observers that the system gives special treatment to cases involving politicians, police officers, or their friends and family, while ordinary citizens are left without recourse when victimised by similar forms of crime.

    The scandal strikes at the heart of the rule of law in this troubled nation. When laws are applied unequally, when victims are fed fabrications about investigations that never happened, when leadership defends rather than reforms a broken system, the social contract frays. Citizens begin to ask why they should follow laws the police cannot be bothered to enforce in the first place.

    The issue with police deliberately failing to solve cases is part of a larger picture of police impunity in the fledgling nation. While the police enjoys widespread support from the regime and it’s reactionary political allies as part of their “tough on crime” policy, it is exposed to very little oversight. The so-called Independent Police Complaints Authority is staffed with ex-cops and bureaucrats from the ministry of justice and is widely seen by independent observers as being pro-police. The authority routinely degrades reports of criminal acts committed by police to mere disciplinary complaints and only 3.7 percent of disciplinary complaints are decided in favour of citizens.

    Parliament’s state auditors have demanded a response from the incoming Minister of Justice within four months of government formation. However, as the tiny rain-swept nation is caught in a chaotic post-election vacuum of power that has left it without a functioning legitimate government, it remains unlikely that any action will be taken soon by Denmark’s political elite to confront the institutional rot within its internal security forces.