SoyViking [he/him]

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Cake day: 2020年11月4日

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  • “Fired By The State”: Danish Farmers Throw Tractor Tantrum

    On 1 September, Denmark’s agricultural lobby brought its grievances to the streets. In Copenhagen, several hundred tractors crawled towards the seat of parliament, which was debating a new fertiliser law intended to reduce nitrogen pollution in the Nordic hermit kingdom’s already exhausted coastal waters. The advance of the tractor columns was followed in real time by Danish media, which mapped their positions like war correspondents tracking an invading army. Traffic slowed, horns sounded, and stocky, red-faced farmers wearing green, MAGA-style caps emblazoned with the slogan “Fired by the state” descended from their rides and began milling around the square in front of parliament.

    The slogan had a certain comic grandeur. Most unemployed people do not own a tractor worth more than a small house. Yet here is an industry so accustomed to political deference that modest environmental regulation appears tantamount to losing their livelihood.

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    The banners adorning the tractors explained the seriousness of the situation. “Preserve democracy and the constitution. The government must resign!” demanded one. “Save Danish Agriculture!” cried another, as though the legislation proposed the abolition of farming. One particularly existential contribution announced: “Farmer is not a job but a lifestyle.” Another warned, “No farmer, no beer!”, presumably intending to frighten thirsty members of the public into submission.

    Fortunately, the new law is not going to turn Denmark into a teetotal post-apocalyptic hellscape of abandoned pubs and dry taps. The proposed law would simply replace much of Denmark’s existing field-based fertiliser regulation with an emissions-based system. Limits would increasingly depend on how much nitrogen reaches the local fjord or coastal waters, rather than simply on how much fertiliser is spread on a particular field. The purpose is to address algal growth, oxygen depletion and deteriorating marine habitats. Only a small fraction of Danish waterways currently meet the required ecological standards.

    In Aarhus, the country’s second-largest city, approximately 35 tractors drove around the campus of Aarhus University in an action organised by the campaign group No Farmers, No Food, No Future. The university’s scientists had contributed to the calculations and advisory work underlying the nitrogen rules. The protesters therefore redirected their anger from politicians towards the people who had supplied politicians with inconvenient information.

    Protesters claimed scientists were “in the pocket” of politicians, supposedly conspiring against Danish agriculture. Ole Hertel, vice dean of Aarhus University’s Technical Sciences faculty, has dismissed the allegations as “completely absurd” and stated that there is no political pressure on the researchers.

    The Aarhus protest produced little besides bemused students and a minor traffic offence: one tractor driver was cited for driving on the pavement. Police reported no major disruption at the university.

    In addition, scattered incidents of tractors being parked on highway bridges with banners and flashing lights have been reported across the country.

    The underlying claim is that nitrogen reductions will devastate Danish farming. Sustainable Agriculture, the bizarrely named far-right anti-environmentalist splinter group that has broken away from the more institutionally embedded Danish Food and Agriculture Council, has circulated apocalyptic estimates suggesting that the measures could cost Danish society DKK 100 billion annually.

    But environmental facts don’t care about the farmers’ feelings. Excess nutrients, especially from the country’s grotesquely oversized pork industry, feed algal growth, drain oxygen from the water and help destroy the habitats on which marine life depends. Danish streams and coastal waters are severely affected by oxygen depletion, and substantial nitrogen reductions are needed to restore ecological health.

    The protest was presumably meant to revive the image of the noble farmer: hard-working, salt-of-the-earth men being bullied by an elitist and out-of-touch big-city establishment. Instead, the public were treated to footage of large agricultural machines belching thick black diesel fumes through city streets while their drivers demanded special treatment.

    The demonstrations were organised by Sustainable Agriculture and by the newer No Farmers, No Food, No Future organisation. Its leading figure, René Spang Jørgensen, became notorious as “the potato man” after taking part in a 2023 sabotage action in which truckloads of potatoes were dumped on the Storebælt Bridge and a South Jutland highway in protest against a road tax. The stunt endangered motorists and caused injuries, and ultimately earned Jørgensen a prison sentence of one year and nine months, along with a driving ban.

    The demonstrations have also produced an awkward problem for fascist leader Inger Støjberg. She and her far-right Denmark Democrats have been among the loudest advocates of severe punishment for climate activists who block roads. They have argued that ordinary citizens should not have to tolerate being prevented from going about their business by political activists. Yet farmers blocking roads are apparently different, and Støjberg has enthusiastically embraced the tractor protests.

    Her hypocrisy has become so conspicuous that the public is now rather more interested in making fun of her than feeling sorry for the persecuted, polluting farmers.

    For generations, the agricultural lobby has exercised enormous influence over policy, particularly through the right wing and especially the Liberal Party. That influence is now less secure. People are fed up with the farmers, with their pollution, with their animal cruelty and with their sense of entitlement.

    The tractors were supposed to demonstrate that farmers are being fired by the state. Instead, they demonstrated that they are an industry accustomed to receiving special treatment and throwing a tantrum when asked to clean up their own mess. If this temper tantrum is the best defence Danish agriculture can offer, then perhaps it is time they were “fired by the state” for real.









  • I grew up in a house in the forest four kilometres outside of a small village. I had the same experience that many others have of rural communities as intolerant. My parents were artsy intellectual types who didn’t have that much money and that made me the weird kid in school, which was ten very lonely years. That sucked.

    Being far from convenient services also sucked somewhat but I was a kid and I was used to it so it didn’t bother me.

    What didn’t suck was that I had this huge forest I could roam around in. There was fresh air and no traffic. If I wanted to swim I could walk ten minutes down to the beach. I often miss that and being this close to nature.

    I moved away to study and have lived in cities every since. Once in a while I toy with the idea of moving to the country, of getting an old farmhouse and have lots of space. But then I realise how much I like the convenience of living in the city, how I love my 15 minute commute and my easy access to groceries, healthcare and other services.

    I’m probably never moving back to the countryside but I do o like going there once in a while.







  • I’m annoyed with Matador. There’s no doubt that it is very well made and very well written. Lise Nørgaard was a very capable writer. But on the other hand her reactionary politics really show, and she gives a completely distorted view of the occupation years.

    Lauritz is depicted as charming but also as a naive selfish asshole whose kid almost drowned because he is too communist. When the Nazis gives the government the excuse to ban the communist party and jail leading communists he escapes because he is warned by the friendly old cop. That was far from the typical experience for victims of anti-communist persecution and gives a completely false impression of the willingly collaborationist role played by the police in the purge of Danish communists, replacing actual history with a rose-tinted fairy tale about communities sticking together to get everyone safe through the war.

    Once Lauritz escapes he flees to Sweden and is not seen until after liberation. Meanwhile, the sympathetic centrist doctor and the cultured credit union manager leads a local resistance cell, getting in gunfights with the Nazis. Again, a completely distorted view of what the resistance was actually like. In reality, communists made up the bulk of the resistance and many communists who escaped from police and concentration camps stayed in Denmark to do underground activities. Meanwhile, the comfortable sensible upper middle class that Nørgaard was so openly enamoured with were among the demographics that made the least contributions to the resistance.

    You could say that this is a fictional story and that the way the war is described is, if not representative then at least not completely inplausible. But there is a problem. Matador was and is still very popular and to many people the show has become the definitive version of what the 1930’s and 1940’s were like. It has shaped public perception of the occupation much more than any history book could ever have done.